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| Britishness and Identity Politics |
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There is no currently unified or uniform view of Britishness that many such as Brown or Howard allude to. How could there possibly be? A white Anglo-Saxon Protestant has a very different historical heritage, culture or religion to a citizen who is Celtic, Catholic, Hindu or Muslim. Someone who’s ancestry can be traced back to the British Isles will have a very different view of history to someone whose ancestry is from an ex-colony. Even within one ‘ethnic’ subgroup a senior citizen, whose views in life have been shaped by two world wars, will have very different values to someone whose formative years were during the swinging sixties or the yuppy eighties.
To try to unify such a diverse society in this manner would do one of two things. Either one would simply define the lowest common denominator of shared culture, which is hardly likely to fill people with any great national pride, or one could try and impose a dominant ‘nationalistic’ interpretation of a culture on the whole of society. The former approach goes to the heart of the recent criticism of multiculturalism. The latter represents the worst form of citizenship – whether it be manifested in Britain, France or even Muslim countries like Pakistan. It is the ugly rabid form of nationalism which often leads to jingoism and feelings of racial supremacy.
So, what about shared values? Do they exist? It would be supremely arrogant for the political ruling class to define a certain view of Britishness based on certain values they advocate. It would be doubly arrogant to then dictate to large numbers of minorities a narrow view of what the best values were, or worse what were acceptable political views. The Brown / Fabian approach was just an attempt to do this, to the extent that the view of British values excluded even much of the political ‘right’.
To a large extent this has become institutionalised by the present government through its educational citizenship programme, both in schools and for immigrants. The values based approach is coercive, often aggressively promoted in the media, encouraging people to adopt certain values, and abandon some of their own. This is the reason that the pressure on Muslims to ‘reform’ Islam has become entwined with the politics of identity. Such an imposition of values completely circumvents any opportunity for reasoned debate, or ideological discussion of the relative merits of different ideas and beliefs.
There is a real danger that putting such a strong emphasis on controversial values, history or institutions as a litmus test for citizenship in the absence of conviction or genuine agreement will create different levels of citizenship. Muslim citizens for example are often made to feel that they must display more loyalty to symbols of the State such as the Crown than others in society, many of whom have little or no respect for the Crown (indeed a sizeable minority of British citizens and a majority of the Fabian conference delegates would quite happily confine the monarchy to the dustbin of history). Some expect the Muslim community for instance to show respect and trust in Parliament despite the fact that 40% of the mainstream population showed their own respect and confidence in the system by not voting at the last general election.
Even ignoring these contrasts, there are immense pressures from the media on Muslims and others who hold a very strong religious faith, to adopt liberal secular values. Not conforming to the dominant view leaves those citizens open to vilification or ridicule. This pressure creates a socially imposed censorship on the views of a significant minority every bit as sinister as the legalised censorship that is enforced in the anti-terror laws. Both forms of censorship effectively censor views the former on a number of matters relating to social domestic policy, the latter relating to foreign policy under the guise of ‘glorifying’ terrorism.
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